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Boekhout
van Solinge, Tim (1998), Drug use and drug trafficking in Europe. Tijdschrift
voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, 1998 1: 100-105. Pre-publication
version.
© Copyright 1998 Tim Boekhout van Solinge. All rights reserved.
Drug use and
drug trafficking in Europe
Tim
Boekhout van Solinge
Illicit
drugs form an important sector of the world economy. A recent report
of the United Nations' International Narcotics Control Board (INCB)
stated that many estimations have been made of the total revenue of
the illicit drug industry, most ranging from $300 billion to $500 billion
(INCB 1997) According to this UN report "a growing body of evidence"
suggests that the true figure lies around $400 billion. The report further
states this turnover would be equivalent to approximately eight percent
of total international trade. In 1994 this figure would have been larger
than the international trade in iron and steel and motor vehicles and
about the same size as the total international trade in textiles. Of
course, the important economic value of drugs can be largely attributed
to the simple fact they are illegal.
This article aims
to give an overview of some general trends in drug use and drug trafficking
in Europe. This overview will not discuss all illicit drugs in detail,
but will focus on two drugs, cannabis and heroin. The reasons for this
are as follows. Speaking about the use of illicit substances, cannabis
is by and large the one that is most used in Europe. Heroin on the other
hand, is used by very few people - in drug use surveys the prevalence
of heroin is usually among the lowest- but it is the drug that is most
associated with marginalisation and drug addiction. This also explains
why the use of this drug is more visible than the use of other drugs.
The second reason for concentrating on cannabis and heroin is that the
trade in these drugs is most interesting from a geopolitical point of
view.
The Demand for
Drugs in Europe
Illicit drugs is
a term that designates many types of mind altering substances. In this
overview there is no need to present all the different types and varieties
that exist, but only to present some general characteristics and trends
of the drug market. To be able to do this, it is necessary to known
which different drugs are used, and the different degrees of popularity
they have. However, because of the illegality of drugs, both the use
of and the trade in drugs are mostly hidden, which leads to a certain
degree of uncertainty. Although there are indicators available, such
as prevalence figures to estimate the extent of drug use, these data
also have their limitations. Not all countries are performing drug use
surveys, some data only refer to very specific populations (such as
people in treatment), and sometimes data are hardly reliable due to
the poor methodology of data collecting. The absence of sound studies
on the prevalence of drug use carried out on a regular basis in several
countries, explains why one can only make but cautious statements in
this regard, let alone making comparisons between countries. Although
standardising reporting systems are progressing, for example by the
EU's Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA), there always remains
a degree of uncertainty when talking about patterns and trends in drug
use.
The most commonly
known illicit drugs are cannabis, cocaine, and heroin. Besides these
more or less 'natural drugs', made on the basis of the plants cannabis,
coca, and opium, there is an increasing number of synthetic drugs on
the market, the most known types being amphetamine, ecstasy (MDMA),
and LSD. Roughly speaking one could say between 5% and 15% of the population
of 12 years and over has ever tried drugs (WHO 1997). Cannabis, in the
form of marihuana and hash, is the most used illicit drug in Europe.
The available data tend to indicate that current cannabis use among
the general population in European countries varies from 0.5% to 5%.
When looked at younger age categories, it appears that the prevalence
of cannabis use is higher; the proportion of, for example, 18 year old
school students who admit ever having tried cannabis, ranges from approximately
10% to 35% (EMCDDA 1996).
Despite the methodological
limitations of the available data, it is safe to say there are, today,
several millions of current cannabis users in Europe. Comparative longitudinal
research reveals that the degree in which cannabis is used is not as
much influenced by the national drug policy applied by a country, but
that international social and cultural factors seem to be playing a
more big important role in this regard. In other words, drug use follows
international trends, influenced by popular culture, youth culture and
so forth, instead of being the result of the actual drug policy and
law enforcement measures. In most western countries drug use increased
in the late 1960s and early 1970s, followed by a decrease in the late
1970s and throughout the 1980s. In the 1990s drugs are experiencing
a second phase of popularity; all-over the western world drug use is
on the rise.
Heroin, a derivative
from opium poppies, is a drug often associated with compulsive or addictive
patterns of use, for which reason it is considered the main problem
drug. Although the substance is also occasionally used, very few is
known about this category of users. Most of the existing knowledge about
heroin use is based on users from special populations, such as people
in treatment. This means that even more than is the case with regard
to the number of cannabis users, the figures are surrounded with a large
degree of uncertainty. A very tentative estimate of the number of heroin
addicts in the 15 countries of the European Union suggests that the
number of heroin addicts is somewhere between 500,000 and one million
(EMCDDA 1996, p. 8). Per country this would mean that the number of
people that is estimated to be 'addicted' to heroin at any one time,
is under 0.5% of the general population.
The supply side
of drugs in Europe
Even more than is
the case with regard to drug use, knowledge about drug trafficking is
surrounded by many uncertainties. The main indicators about the nature
and the extent of this commerce, are drug seizures. However, their everlasting
limitation is that one never knows whether they reflect the real trends
in drug trafficking, or whether they are merely a reflection of law
enforcement activities. The next question is how much of the drugs in
circulation are intercepted. It is often assumed that, internationally,
around 10% of the drugs in circulation are intercepted, a figure that
is also applied by Interpol. However, this figure, already in use since
many decades, has no scientific basis whatsoever.
Cannabis in Europe
is usually available in the forms hash and marihuana. Although marihuana
is gaining in popularity, hash is still predominant in Europe. A substantial
part of hash on the European market originates from Morocco. Traditionally,
the mountainous Rif area in northern Morocco has been a production region
for cannabis, mainly destined for local consumption. Since a nearby
European cannabis market become accessible, the acreage under cultivation
in Northern Morocco has grown considerably. In 1993 it was estimated
that between 64,000 and 74,000 hectares of cannabis were under cultivation
in Northern Morocco (OGD 1994, p. 23). This would imply the acreage
increased tenfold in the period of ten years. Today, Morocco is considered
as the world's main cannabis exporter. The potential of Moroccan hash
production is estimated to be around 2,000 metric tonnes a year. In
1993 200 tonnes of Moroccan hash were seized, of which 112 in Europe
(OGD 1996, p. 192).
Besides Morocco,
the European cannabis market is also supplied by other countries. Today,
cannabis is cultivated on every continent of the world and the European
cannabis market is supplied by different sources, such as from Asia,
where hash exported from Afghanistan and Pakistan, and marihuana from
Thailand and Laos. Important American producers like Colombia, Mexico,
and Jamaica, not only serve the North American market, but also export
to Europe. In recent years marihuana production has increased in several
African countries, especially in Western and Southern Africa, of which
a part is exported to Europe. An parallel development is that an increasing
part of the markets in the Western world are being supplied by local
marihuana production, either indoors or outdoors. This can not only
be observed in Canada and the USA, but also in Europe. The Netherlands
are the European forerunner in this process; it is estimated that more
than half of the total cannabis consumption is from domestic production.
This international development of 'import substitution' -although it
is not officially promoted as such by the authorities- has taken such
proportions that in some western countries cannabis has become one of
the main agricultural crops, a position that was until recently reserved
to Southern producers.
Spain and the Netherlands
are Europe's main countries of entry for cannabis. Since Morocco is
Europe's main supplier, it comes as no surprise Spain is the main port
of entry for hash. Boats, cars, and especially lorries are used to cross
the Street of Gibraltar. The main means of transport by which hash is
distributed throughout Europe are cars and lorries. The Diaspora of
1.5 million Moroccans living in Europe certainly facilitates the trade.
The Netherlands are another important point of entry for cannabis, predominantly
arriving by ships. Several reasons can be mentioned why the Netherlands
-and Dutch criminal organisations- have attained an important international
position in the cannabis trade. One reason can be found in the tolerant
policy towards cannabis, in particular since its retailing has become
permitted in the so-called coffeeshops since the 1970s, leading to a
situation in which the trade in cannabis was also getting a lower law
enforcement priority. A second reason can be found in a certain tradition
of smuggling, going back to the butter and cattle smugglers in the South
of the Netherlands during the afterwar period. A third reason has to
do with the Netherlands' geographical position and their dominant role
in transport and distribution.
Heroin is made on
the basis of opium poppies that are mainly produced in two areas: the
Golden Triangle (Burma, Laos, and Thailand) and in the Golden Crescent
(Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan). Two countries can be considered as world's
main opium poppy growers: Myanmar (Burma) with an estimated annual 2,500
tons, and Afghanistan that produces between 1,000 and 1,500 tons of
opium every year (OGD 1996). North America is mainly supplied by the
Golden Triangle, especially Myanmar. The European market on the other
hand is mainly supplied by the Golden Crescent. Around 70% of the heroin
in Europe is made on the basis of Afghan opium (OGD 1995, p. 6). After
having been transformed into morphine base, the drugs are transported
to Turkish laboratories where they undergo a second transformation to
become heroin.
Turkey plays a central
role in the heroin trade destined for Europe. Its central geographical
position, on the cross-roads of Europe, Asia, the Middle East, and the
Mediterranean Sea, having both many land and sea connections, gives
the country the potential to play an important role in any trade. Turkey
not only has these possibilities, in practice it is really having many
international contacts. Historically, going back to the Ottoman empire,
Turkey has its spheres of influence in eastern directions, which is
facilitated by the linguistic relationships Turkey is having with several
(former) CIS republics. Due to the Turkish Diaspora in Europe, comprising
2.3 million people, there exists an international network for the distribution
of heroin to the European market. An estimated 80% of the heroin on
the European market is being processed in Turkish laboratories (La Dépêche
Internationale des Drogues 1995, Nr. 48). Moreover, the heroin trade
from Turkey to the European market is dominated by Turks, even though
the Turkish authorities try to make it appear as if especially Curds
-the PKK in particular- are involved.
Since many years,
the most common way by which heroin arrives from Turkey into Europe
is by the Balkan route. Historically, the Balkan route is the main overland
connection between Asia and Europe. Every year, this route is taken
by around 1,5 million lorries, 250,000 coaches, and four million cars
(Inzake Opsporing, Appendix VIII, p. 95). The most common way to transport
heroin is a relatively small quantity of 20 to 50 kilos hidden in a
lorry. Considering the scale of the trade on the Balkan trade, combined
with the fact that it takes some hours to a whole day to search a lorry,
explains why it is virtually impossible to really counteract these activities.
It is estimated that 75 per cent of the heroin smuggled into Europe
is transported along the Balkan route (INCB 1997, 336).
On an annual basis
around 6,000 kilos of heroin are being seized in the European Union.
Although this amount may look impressive, one has to wonder if this
really is the case. Taking into account an estimated number of heroin
addicts of 500,000 to one million, one has to conclude only a -very-
small part of the heroin on the market is intercepted. This can be supported
by the fact that although seizures have almost constantly risen the
latest years, the street prices have nothing but declined. Even major
seizures of drugs have no impact whatsoever on the market prices.
Drug trafficking
and geopolitics
Because of the extremely
high economic value and profit margins of drugs, they not only have
become an interesting commerce for (organised) criminals, but also for
(illegal) political movements needing money to finance their activities,
such as guerrilla and independent movements. This has become even more
apparent since the end of the Cold War, resulting in less opportunities
to receive funding from one of the world powers. A category of drug
traffickers that is not mentioned often are the traffickers who are
more or less connected to governments, such as the secret services and
the army, working either independently of in cooperation with political
movements involved in the drug trade.
This latter observation
can be illustrated by looking at the genesis of the two main opium production
area’s in the world, Burma and Afghanistan. One of the best books
ever written about the international drug trade is The Politics of Heroin
by Alfred McCoy, professor of Southeast Asian History at the University
of Wisconsin-Madison. His analysis makes clear that both Burma and Afghanistan
have attained this status thanks to the activities of American secret
services. "The increasing opium harvests in Burma and Afghanistan
(...) were largely the product of CIA covert operations. Just as CIA
support for the Nationalist Chinese (KMT) troops in the Shan State had
increased Burma’s opium crop in the 1950s, so the agencies aid
to the mujaheddin guerrillas in the 1980s expanded opium production
in Afghanistan and linked Pakistan’s nearby laboratories to the
world market" (McCoy 1991, pp 440-441). McCoy has described how,
during the 1980s, Afghanistan became Europe’s main opium supplier,
because CIA covert operations transformed southern Asia from a self-contained
opium zone into a major supplier of heroin for the world market: "CIA
intervention provided the political protection and logistic linkages
that joined Afghanistan’s poppy fields to heroin markets in Europe
and America" (McCoy 1991, p. 441). Although the Americans have
left, Afghanistan, just like Burma before it, has remained a major heroin
supplier for the world market.
With regard to the
hash production in Morocco, the world’s largest cannabis producer,
it is known that people in ‘high places’ are involved in
both the production and trade. The smooth and organised way in which
the hash trade is taking place, makes it likely this situation is not
only ‘tolerated’, but may even been co-ordinated by the
authorities (Inzake opsporing, appendix VIII, pp. 112-119). It is known
that every year the regional services of the Moroccan ministry of Agriculture
provide highly confidential statistics showing the acreage under cultivation
(OGD 1994, p. 23). Although the Moroccan authorities have agreed with
the EU in developing substitute crops, and hash seizures in Morocco
has nothing but increased, there is every indications the total hash
production has increased as well (Inzake opsporing, appendix VIII, pp.
117). The total revenue of the hash trade in Morocco is estimated to
represent two-third of the total exports and 10% of the country’s
income (Ibid. p. 122).
Since it is no longer
a secret that the authorities are highly involved in the trade, including
the royal family, one can wonder why the European countries have a relatively
lenient attitude towards Morocco and King Hassan II in this regard.
On political meetings the European leaders regularly express their worries
about drugs and the drug trade. One reason for these double standards
can be found in the friendly diplomatic and personal relations Morocco
and the King are having with some European countries and their leaders,
France in particular. A more important reason why Morocco is not criticised
too severely is that, under the current circumstances of the civil war
in Algeria and rising Muslim fundamentalism in several Arab countries,
Morocco is considered an important ally of Europe and barrier against
a rise in Muslim fundamentalism.
A somewhat similar
situation can be observed with regard to Turkish involvement in the
international heroin trade. It is been extensively documented how different
Turkish Mafia organisations are having a relatively free hand in the
international heroin trade (See Inzake opsporing, appendix VIII, pp.
95-112). Besides the more ‘traditional’ extended Mafia families,
different political movement like the Grey Wolves, Dev Sol, and the
PKK are also playing their part. Besides that, both the civil and the
military secret services are involved in the heroin trade; two governmental
agencies that are, in fact, competing with one another, sometimes resulting
in assassinations (La Dépêche Internationale des Drogues
1995, Nr. 40). The involvement in, and protection by the Turkey’s
highest bureaucratic levels in the heroin trade were confirmed in November
1996, when a traffic accident occurred with four people sitting a the
same car: an extreme right criminal on the run, a high ranked policeman,
a beauty queen, and the only survivor, a parliamentarian of Prime Minister’s
Ciller political party.
The reason why Turkey,
that is already having a customs union with the EU and is now applying
for EU membership, is not criticised for their involvement in the heroin
trade, are purely (geo)political. Due to its important strategic position,
Turkey has been an important NATO partner since 1952. During the Gulf
War, Turkey’s strategic importance for military actions in the
Middle East was confirmed. This also explains why, although the EU is
hesitant about Turkey’s membership, the USA is actually lobbying
in the EU to have Turkey accepted as full EU member.
Two geopolitical
developments in the 1990s have changed the face of heroin trafficking
in Europe: the war in former Yugoslavia, and the falling of the iron
curtain. Until the war broke out, most heroin on the Balkan route was
passing through (former) Yugoslavia. The war resulted in a diversification
of the trafficking routes, both in northern and in southern directions.
For example, heroin was increasingly being transported from Greece to
Italy, from where it could reach the markets. The Mediterranean Sea
was also being used for the transport for heroin enabling to reach countries
like France and Spain directly. In northern direction, new trafficking
routes were also found, facilitated by the falling of the iron curtain
that opened up possibilities to reach the EU on the eastern side. And,
via the Black Sea heroin could be transported to Bulgaria and Romania,
from where it could reach Slovakia, Poland and Germany.
Another development
connected to the falling of the iron curtain is that the territory of
the Russian Federation is becoming a cross-road for illicit drug trafficking.
The activities of organised criminal organisations groups and the removal
of customs barriers between CIS member States have made it possible
for traffickers to transport illicit shipments from the Golden Crescent
through central Asia, the Russian Federation and Belarus without being
checked (INCB 1997).
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