In
August of 1993, the authorities arrested Donald Marshall Junior and
the Crown prosecuted him on three charges under the Fisheries Act: the
selling of eels without a license, fishing without a license and fishing
during the close season with illegal nets. Donald Marshall admitted
his guilt at having illegally caught during the close season 463 pounds
of eels in Pomquet Harbour, Antigonish County, Nova Scotia and selling
them for $787.10. The issue at trial, his defense, was the affirmation
of a treaty right to catch and sell fish as found in the treaties of
1760-61 that he believed exempted him from compliance with the fishery
regulations. The trial judge found him guilty. He appealed and the Nova
Scotia Court of Appeal similarly denied the affirmation of his treaty
right and found him guilty. However, in September, 1999, the Supreme
Court of Canada allowed his appeal and acquitted him on all charges.
The court decided that Donald Marshall had a treaty right to secure
a "moderate livelihood" by hunting fishing and gathering natural
resources. However, the court also held that this right was a regulated
one, which did not allow him to freely pursue unlimited economic gain.
By
affirming the treaty right of First Nation peoples to make a moderate
livelihood from fishing, hunting and gathering, the people of Esgenoôpetitj
(Burnt Church) attempted to exercise their legally affirmed treaty
right by fishing for lobster in September and October, 1999. This
initiative was met with an unprovoked attack by non-native fishermen
who cut lobster trap lines and destroyed $210,000 (Canadian) worth
of traps belonging to the people of Esgenoôpetitj. The Canadian
government authorities - the Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO)
and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) - were dormant; no action
was taken to prevent or stop the destruction of property or escalating
levels of violence. An atmosphere of fear and anger emerged as violent
threats, gun-toting, and assaults increased between native and nonnative
people. One Mi'kmaq man was seriously injured during an altercation.
In
November, after the destruction of the traps, a clarification of the
Marshall decision was drafted by the judges who dissented in the original
decision. Comments made by the court about fisheries regulation appeared
to shift the balance of power away from the native people and towards
the government. The clarification declared that:
"The federal and provincial governments have the authority within their respective legislative fields to regulate the exercise of a treaty right where justified on conservation or other grounds. The Marshall judgment referred to the Court's principal pronouncements on the various grounds on which the exercise of treaty rights may be regulated. The paramount regulatory objective is conservation and responsibility for it is placed squarely on the minister responsible and not on the aboriginal or non-aboriginal users of the resource. The regulatory authority extends to other compelling and substantial public objectives which may include economic and regional fairness, and recognition of the historical reliance upon, and participation in, the fishery by non-aboriginal groups."
However,
it also was stated that the Minister has an obligation to consult
aboriginal people about limitations on the exercise of treaty and
aboriginal rights, and has to justify the use of such regulations
for conservation or other purposes when attempting to limit the exercise
or extension of a treaty right and that any regulation should not
infringe about the right to earn a moderate livelihood. Following
this clarification, the DFO limited the number of Esgenoôpetitj
traps to 600 and began to confiscate traps. Sound justification for
these limits was provided to any of the concerned parties. The issue
of conservation was imply stated as a justification but never demonstrated
by the DFO.
In
the spring of 2000, the DFO attempted to regulate First Nation fishing
in New Brunswick by offering fisheries agreements to 34 bands in Atlantic
Canada. These agreements give DFO the regulatory power outside of
treaty rights and limits the amount of traps in exchange for cash,
boats, equipment and training. The Atlantic Policy Congress of First
Nations Chiefs found the the template of the agreement unsatisfactory
in that it would have negative impacts on future treaty right rulings.
The congress advised bands not to sign. Nevertheless, DFO managed
to have 29 of 34 bands have signed full or interim agreements.
To
encourage signing, the DFO offered access to commercial and food fisheries,
substantial monies, boats, gear, training, and fishery-related economic
development initiatives such as aquaculture, eco-tourism or new equipment
or facilities related to the commercial fishery. Offers are as high
as $22 million per band were made and signing bonuses were available
for councilors who are band signatories. Because the agreements are
for communal licenses, it is believed by some that economic benefits
will accrue to only a few people in the First Nations community.
Burnt
Church, Acadia, Afton, Bear River, and Indian Brook to date have not
signed government fisheries agreements. In Burnt Church, community
meetings were held and they determined that it was essential to protect
their treaty right by not risking or losing it through agreements
clearly not in their favor in the long term. They developed their
own fisheries policy and management plan, The Esgenoôpetitj
First Nation Management Plan, which was designed to protect the treaty
right, the fishery and the ecosystem and to simultaneously assure
collective benefits for all community members.
To
regulate their fishery they issued permits and treaty tags to any
community member willing to fish, established a spring and fall fishery,
and set a limit of 15,000 traps for the fall fishery and 5,000 for
the spring one to address conservation issues raised by the Marshall
clarification and the DFO. The 15,000 traps would be not be in addition
to commercial fisherman traps. The number would come from a reduction
by 12 of the total number of traps allowed by commercial licenses
(300). In this way the total increase in fishing pressure in the bay
would be 5,000 traps. The DFO did not recognize the Esgenoôpetitj
First Nation Management Plan, and later announced that non-DFO tags
would not be recognized and threatened to seize boats and equipment
that did not have DFO issued tags.
Until
October 7th, the community continued to exercise its treaty rights by
putting out traps. In turn, the DFO seized traps, harassed, beat and
arrested fisherman, rammed boats and forcefully asserted its right to
regulate the fishery for unspecified and non-validated calls for conservation.
First Nation people tried to prevent trap seizures by blocking DFO boats
with their own and responded to DFO boat rammings and beatings by throwing
rocks at DFO boats. Several First Nation people were injured and one
DFO officer received a serious head and eye injury from a rock thrown
by a First nation boatman. The DFO reports that from August 13th to
September 22 it has seized 3,616 traps. Threats of violence by both
sides escalated and shots have been fired. At the close of the fall
fishery in October, as the lobsters move to deeper water and traps were
gradually removed, an unreal calm settled over troubled waters. But
there is no end in sight to the conflict created by the shifting disparities
in the interpretation of law and distribution of power.